Who Runs The Lobby For The US Military To Invade Venezuela?

The proposal is framed in the story of "humanitarian crisis" and the risk posed by Nicolás Maduro, President of Venezuela, to the region for the alleged "implication of Venezuelan government officials in drug trafficking and the handing over of passports to members of terrorist organizations."

This, valued the participants of the activity, participated by senators and congressmen of North America, and justified by their territorial proximity with Venezuela. This was stated by Ernesto Ackerman, president of the Venezuelan-American Independent Citizens (IVAC, for its acronym in English), NGO that organized the event and which is based in South Florida.

It is not the first time that this character coordinated such an activity. In 2014, he brought together about 200 Venezuelans from Florida, but also from 19 other states, in a caravan to Washington to support the violence orchestrated by opposition groups in the suburbs of the beginning of the year and to protest the "lack of attention" of the White House and the OAS.

Ackerman is a Venezuelan businessman who emigrated to Miami in 1989. Since then he has been grouped to the Venezuelan business sector exiled in the state of Florida, in the NGO IVAC, with the intention of exerting pressure on the decision making of US politicians in the affairs Venezuelans.

In fact, one of the actors of the Republican party (Senator of South Florida and with influence in the White House), Marco Rubio, was supported by Ackerman in his presidential candidacy due to his speech of intensified attack against the government of Nicolás Maduro. Many of the connections of opposition leaders with figures of the American political high command were managed by them.

The average number of migrants in South Florida has a high socioeconomic level, with the ability to buy homes and install businesses of all kinds, from restaurants to companies. The most visible faces, like the case of Ernesto Ackerman, have found a place in the United States to expand their businesses.

This community has grown exponentially in recent years (of the 248 thousand Venezuelans residing in the United States, 42% live in Florida) and begins to venture into the political arena both local and national. It is projected that they can become as influential as Cuban-Americans, in terms of fundraising, corporate weight and electoral support for the next five years.

Unlike the system of participatory and protagónica democracy applied in all the public powers of Venezuela, in the United States it is the lobbies that have the opportunity to move influences in Congress. And the middle class and wealthy, who mostly make up the Venezuelan exiles, have learned during their stay in Miami to handle themselves on these terms. They have the resources to do so and their interests against the Venezuelan Government coexist in perfect synchronicity with the most extreme political factors in South Florida, who have found in the Trump Administration a space to increase their influence over US foreign policy toward Venezuela.

Although this proposal is intended to be shown as the only possible way out through the media and some internal political voices such as Soy Venezuela, the statements made a couple of days ago by the Undersecretary of Political Affairs Thomas Shannon (despite resigning, will remain in office until the appointment of a replacement) in Ecuador on the impossibility of using the letter of military intervention, highlight the lack of consensus to determine a single line of action against Venezuela. Apparently it takes more than a letter to get the conflict to opt for that option.


Translated by Paul Antonopoulos.

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